A Comprehensive
review of Alan Nelson's Monstrous Adversary 2003
This review is copyright © 2003 by Robert Brazil
Review of Part
II - Youth
Chapter 8 - London Wardship
34 - More N-spin. He claims
that EO17's amazing procession into London with 140 or perhaps 180 retainers
on horseback was a tribute to the dead EO16, and no measure of the men's
loyalty to EO17, nor testimony to EO17's charisma. LOL.
34 - N repeats the old line that EO became William Cecil's ward, while
I am more impressed with N. Green's more accurate description that EO17
was the Queen's Ward, under the care and guardianship of Cecil. No matter
how you spin this, young Oxford was the property of the State. Oxford's
wardship was never sold, although the Queen might have done so. He was
a valuable chattel until 21. A situation like that would make me rather
rebellious.
How 'bout you ?
35 - This is amazing - to
show how Oxford and the other noble prisoners were "kept"
in check by Burghley - N quotes Lawrence Stone - who compares Burghley's
style to that of POLONIUS. And I thought that the Stratfordians (and
anti-Oxford Anti-Stratfordians) were dead-set against identifying Burghley
with Polonius. Whoops, Dr. Nelson, you slipped up there. You actually
make a connection to Shakespeare.
35 - N gives Anne Cecil's birthdate - Dec. 5, 1556. [That's Sagittarius
under modern astrology, but Scorpio under the Elizabethan calendar!]
No wonder Oxford thought she was sleeping around!
36 - N mentions without commentary that Burghley's gardener was John
Gerard. But Gerard was no mere gardener, he was the preeminent Elizabethan
botanist and herbalist, whose vast horticultural knowledge (and folkloric
knowledge) appears in the Shakespeare plays - sometimes verbatim. (there
is a published book: Gerard's Herball) Regarding Gerard, it's
a great piece of collateral circumstantial evidence - and we even have
Gerard also as the name of Helena's father - the offstage master healer
mentioned in All's Well. But unfortunately, as Gerard's Herball
was a popular book, anyone could have read it and quoted him, so we
lose this as "evidence."
36 - An account of German traveler Paul Hentzner from 1598 describes
the Burghley country estate Theobalds as having decorative pyramids
and a "touchstone table." No Touchstone tables in Stratford!
37 - Nelson reprints Burghley's orders for Oxford's daily educational
regime - which included French, Latin, writing, drawing, and Cosmography.
More good training ground for young Shakespeare. Also young EO17 had
to study the Bible in English before dinner and in the *original languages*
after dinner - and we know that Shakespeare (whoever he was) was practically
a Bible expert. We don't actually know if Oxford could read Hebrew -
I assume that Latin and Greek are the "original languages."
37 - Now Nelson quotes Oxford's exercise regime that included riding
and shooting. Yet in an earlier chapter N claims EO17 did not hunt or
do manly sports!
37 - Oxford sat in at Parliament in 1563 - I assume as a nonvoting guest
Peer - since he was only 13 and though fully an Earl, not "of age."
This is DOCUMENTED. What better education could a teenager have than
to sit in Parliament and watch the arguments. Think of all the high
level politics in the Shakespeare plays. Did Strat-man pick up all that
language in the tavern too?
38 - N reprints a very intelligent letter written by Margery, EO17's
mom. Pretty damn smart for a low-bred hooker! BTW, Margery makes frequent
reference to Oxford as her son. [[Those that believe EO17 was a changeling
boy royal bastard who was plopped into the Oxford household had better
reassess their beliefs - especially with the multiple documentation
regarding his April 12, 1550 birthday.]]
39 - N mentions Nowell's famous statement that his tutoring work for
EO17 would no longer be required. The obvious conclusion is that young
Oxford was now more learned than Nowell - but N claims - without proof
- that "evidence" indicates Oxford was a bad student, and
so Nowell was just exasperated, not trumped. Boo Hiss, again, Doc.
39 - N uses Oxford's shopping list - which includes rapiers, daggers,
and clothing - as proof that EO17 was "consumed with a sense of
his own importance." LOL.
* So being well dressed and properly armed is an act of "self-involvement"
in an era of total violence and TOTAL VANITY ?
* And what the heck is wrong with someone who IS important acting that
way? Geeeeeez!
39 - N then says that EO17's wild expenditures on clothes were somewhat
offset by income on rents, such as a document showing Arthur Golding
collected a rent on EO's behalf. Golding was an employee of the Court
of Wards. So Burghley was his boss, and Oxford, his nephew, was his
uber-boss in waiting. Arthur Golding-translator of Ovid's Metamorphoses,
beloved of Shakespeare.
40 - this income issue continues
- N mentions that documents indicate Edward was receiving rents from
far-flung estates in "Herefordshire, Devon and Cornwall."
Nelson is WRONG about Herefordshire,
which borders Wales
Oxford's estates were in Hertfordshire.
40-41 - Oxford's sister, that SHREW named KATE, sued to have his estates
taken away (because daddy was really only half-married to THAT WHORE
Margery when EO17 was born). A defense was launched and won by Arthur
Golding (Margery's brother), the man credited with the first translation
of Ovid's Metamorphoses into English, Shakespeare's OTHER Bible.
If, in this era, Oxford was such a prodigy that he had outshone his
teachers, and sat in Parliament, we can also assume that he knew all
the details of the sister Kate lawsuit and was quite involved with uncle
Arthur's petitions. So much for the old Strat canard that Oxford barely
even knew Arthur Golding.
We can see Arthur's personal
interest in the case. If sister Kate had actually won her lawsuit, it
would be bad for Arthur's own sister Margery, bad for his employer Burghley,
and thus bad for himself, ... bad all around. Dr. Nelson sounds disappointed
in his book that Kate didn't win. His personal dislike for Oxford I
find extraordinary.
Chapter 9 - Early Teens
41 - A useful fact. Margery's
second marriage - to Charles Tyrell - took place at an indeterminate
date but before Oct. 11, 1563, when her letter to Burghley indicates
that they were living as man and wife.
So Earl John EO16 is buried
August 31, 1562, and within 13 months Margery is re-hitched. That's
not exactly lightning, but fast enough to fit the Hamlet scenario that
keep's reasserting itself. And perhaps the marriage was preceded by
a longer cohabitation.
42 - useless but wonderful fact - Burghley had a cousin named Disney.
42 - useful fact - in January
1564 Edward EO17 was living at Maidenhead Bridge.
Hotspur. A rendezvous,
a home to fly unto, if that the devil and mischance look big upon
the maidenhead of our affairs.
Wor. But yet I would your father had been here.
First Henry 4 - act 4 sc. 1
I know it's not "fair," or proof, or evidence to find parallel-to-life
passages in Shakespeare, but with Oxford it's so fun and easy!
42 - N says Oxford was recuperating
from an illness at Maidenhead bridge, which is not far from modern-day
Maidenhead, due west on that big M-something highway. N says Oxford
was there with Rutland - Roger Manners, and they were thereafter best
pals for the next 3 years. Rutland just happens to be the Shakespeare
of choice among Russian anti-Stratfordians. I've met, entertained, and
received long letters from several Russkie Rutlanders. (personally,
nyet to all that.)
42 - August 1564 - We have
Oxford, Burghley, Rutland and the Queen all documented at Cambridge,
St. Johns college, Cecil's alma mater. Three plays were performed at
King's College Chapel -
- Aulularia by Plautus
- A tragedy named Dido
- Ezechias by N. Udall
Again, a memorable early
influence on the man "we" (many of us) feel is Shakespeare.
Put it another way - if the Orthodoxy had evidence that William Shaksper
attended such a festival - with Plautus and Dido, they would say, "this
was the seminal event that formed his mind, etc." But when we say
the same thing for Oxford - the reaction is, "yeah, whatever ...."
42-43 - N lists all the
men who received degrees, including Oxford, on Thursday, August 10,
1564. EO17 is listed 4th, it appears outranked by 1. Duke of Norfolk,
2. Earl of Sussex, 3.Earl of Warwick
43 - N specifically describes
these as "unearned" degrees, not considering for a moment
that some of the group of seventeen men might have *coincidentally*
earned and deserved them. Alan here is in top Fox-News "fair and
balanced" spin. I quote:
"The University distributed
these unearned degrees even as the town distributed marchpane and
sugar loaves."
43 - N switches gears to
Golding's *Histories of Trogus Pompeius, dedicated to EO17. N admits
that Golding pays tribute to 14-yr-old Oxford's personal fluency in
Ancient history and modern politics. No further comment about this from
N.
Here I must present the
relevant section from C.W. Barrell's famous but neglected essay, which
I found on Mark Alexander's sourcetext.com site. Thank you, Mark
for hosting this and everything else on your website!
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<><><>
by C.W. Barrell, 1940 <><><>
The first of these
is an English version of Justin's previously un-translated Abridgment
of the Histories of Trogus Pompeius, "a worke conteyning
briefly great plenty of most delectable Historyes, and notable
examples, worthy not only to be Read, but also to bee embraced
and followed by all men."
Lord Oxford was only fourteen years of age and about to receive
a degree from St. John's College, Cambridge, when his uncle
offered the fruit of his labors in the field of ancient history
to him in these words:
there
was not any who, either of duty might more justly claim the
same, or for whose estate it seemed more requisite and necessary,
or of whom I thought it should be more favourably accepted,
than of your honour. For ... it is not unknown to others,
and I have had experience thereof myself, how earnest a desire
your honour hath naturally graffed in you to read, peruse,
and communicate with others as well the histories of ancient
times, and things done long ago, as also of the present estate
of things in our days, and that not without a certain pregnancy
of wit and ripeness of understanding. The which do not only
rejoice the hearts of all such as bear faithful affection
to the honourable house of your ancestors, but also stir up
great hope and expectation of such wisdom and experience in
you in times to come, as is meet and beseeming for so noble
a race.
Then, after urging
young Oxford to emulate the examples of Epaminondas of Thebes
and Arymba of Epirus who were not only great soldiers but scholars
and peace-makers as well, he concludes:
Let these and
other examples encourage your tender years ... to proceed
in learning and virtue . . . whereof, as your great forwardness
giveth assured hope and expectation, so I most heartily beseech
Almighty God to further, augment, establish and confirm the
same in your Lordship with the abundance of his grace.
Your Lordship's humble servant,
Arthur Golding
A Discovery
of Real Import
The "delectable Historyes, and notable examples" thus
brought to Edward de Vere's attention so persuasively during
his formative years must have vividly appealed to the precocious
boy.
It is a significant "coincidence," now noted for the
first time, that the writer of the Shakespearean plays must
also have been vividly impressed by the succinct tales from
Trogus Pompeius for he alludes many times to striking incidents
and unusual personalities of the ancient world that appear in
this early translation by Arthur Golding. Lack of space prevents
mention of more than two or three such parallels here:
In the first chapter of the Historyes we find the story
of Cyrus, ruler of the Persian Empire, and his defeat and death
by the unusual strategy of the Scythian queen Tomyris.
Turning to Shakespeare 1 Henry Sixth, (II, 3), we discover
the Countess of Auvergne planning the capture and murder of
the English hero Talbot with comments such as these:
The plot is laid;
if all things fall out right,
I shall be as famous by this exploit
As Scythian Tomyris by Cyrus' death.
The connection here
is unmistakable for Trogus Pompeius seems to be the one historian
of the period who refers to Tomyris as a Scythian queen. Herodotus,
and others speak of her as Queen of the Massagetae.
Again, in this book
dedicated to Lord Oxford by Arthur Golding we read of Semiramis
the mythical queen of Assyria and her criminal exploits, with
her own son Ninyas.
Shakespeare's allegorical melodrama of Titus Andronicus
compares the blood-thirsty Tamora, Queen of the Goths (here
evidently representing the Spain of Philip II) with:
This goddess,
this Semiramis, this nymph,
This siren, that will charm Rome's Saturnine.
And in the introduction
to The Taming of the Shrew, the lord who plays the practical
joke on Sly, the drunken tinker, promises him
a couch
Softer and sweeter than the lustful bed
On purpose trimmed up for Semiramis.
The account of Alexander the Great in Trogus Pompeius
is particularly well handled-a model of clear and concise reporting.
Two dramatic incidents in this miniature biography of the classic
superman seem to have fixed themselves in the memory of Shakespeare.
The first relates to Alexander's murdering of his confidential
friend Cleitus during a drinking bout.
This is alluded to by the irrepressible and muddle-tongued Fluellen
in Henry V, (IV.7) as follows:
Alexander,-Got
knows, and you know,-in his rages and his furies, and his
wraths, and his cholers, and his moods, and his displeasures,
and his indignations, and also being a little intoxicates
in his prains, did, in his ales and his angers, look you,
kill his pest friend, Cleitus.
The other Alexandrian
anecdote has to do with the great conqueror's final act. It
is reported in the ancient chronicle in this wise:
When his friends
saw him dying, they asked him "whom he would appoint
as the successor to his throne?" He replied, "The
most worthy." Such was his nobleness of spirit, that
though he left a son named Hercules, a brother called Aridaeus,
and his wife Roxane with child, yet forgetting his relations,
he named only "the most worthy" as his successor;
as though it were unlawful for any but a brave man to succeed
a brave man ...
Shakespeare's King
Leontes in The Winter's Tale, having put away his wife
and daughter in a jealous rage, (just as Lord Oxford himself
did in 1576, by the way) finds himself likely to face the future
without an heir. The old noblewoman Paulina offers him this
cold but familiar comfort (Act V.1.):
Care not for issue:
The crown will find an heir: great Alexander
Left his to th' worthiest; so his successor
Was like to be the best.
Altogether, there
are ten or more clear-cut allusions in the plays to memorable
characterizations and passages that appear in Arthur Golding
translation of Trogus Pompeius. In addition, Shakespeare seems
to have drawn heavily upon the book in naming many of his dramatic
personages. Fully a dozen of the heroes of antiquity that Golding
re-vitalized for the delectation of his brilliant nephew reappear
in name if not in exact characterization in the Shakespearean
comedies and tragedies-exclusive of the Roman plays, modeled
directly upon Plutarch.
http://www.sourcetext.com/sourcebook/library/barrell/02golding1.htm
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43-44 - Margery's letter
to Burghley asking that he make extra sure to keep Edward away from
all of the money and property while he is still young. lest he ruin
his inheritance before coming of age. This does not appear to be spin.
I take it as given that the kid was extravagant and scared the bejeezus
out of the adults - but if Edward rightly or wrongly perceived that
it was his MOM, [over and above his keepers and the Queen, and the Law],
that was preventing or delaying his rightful due, then we have further
elements of the Hamlet-Gertrude complex falling into place.
- Margery offers to take
over responsibilities of managing Oxford's "portion," a sum
of 1,000 marks that was left to him, but he could not collect until
he came of age. She did not get control of the money. N says, "Oxford
cannot have appreciated this interference by his mother."
- November 1565 Oxford attends
his first tournament as a spectator at the wedding of the Earl of Warwick
at Westminster Palace
- Feb 1566 - Queen E. through
the court of Wards demands that Robert Christmas (the on-the-ground
administrator of Oxford's vast Essex estates) pay out additional sums
in addition to rents. One of the Queen's accountants at the Court of
Wards discovered an error in Oxford's wardship agreement, an oversight
which ignored the 66 pounds annually due to the crown as part of the
knight-service "fee" associated with Oxford's estates. The
money did not get paid. This is just about the beginning, apparently,
of an eventual mountain of unpaid debt to the crown, that would later
keep Oxford perpetually bankrupt. Why weren't the estates managed better?
Was anyone siphoning money off the top? Stay tuned.
- August 1566 - Degrees
at Oxford University in a similar scenario to Cambridge, as above. Plays
performed: Marcus Germinus, Palamon and Arcyte by R. Edwardes, and Progne
by James Calfhill. Much has been said about the Palamon and Arcyte connection.
(but not by N ... and yes, of course I understand, that wasn't his job
here, and N isn't a literature guy anyway ....) Oxford this time gets
top billing (of the 12 men named by N.) The listing is interesting:
"The Earl of Oxford, Edward Vere" Just a reminder that people
were aware of all of his names, and that they were used on official
documents ... (if not how to spell de Vere) Fascinating fact: ranked
number #8 on the list is "Sir William Cecil, Secretary of State"
That's right, we've been calling him Burghley all along so far (and
so has N.) though Cecil was still 7 or 8 years away from becoming Lord
Burghley. He hadn't even begun to think about inventing ancestors yet
(I know, cheap shot)
45 - N gives a portion of
a poem to Oxford by George Coryat circa 1566 that was only printed decades
later in his son Thomas' famous book Coryat's Crudities 1611,
a famous travelogue. Thomas Coryat traveled through India, and was perhaps
the first Englishman to write about India first hand.(I think that "Crudities"
actually meant to them, mixed appetizers, just like today ... but can
anyone verify that?) George Coryat, in Latin, praises Oxford as one
with the muses.
N gives just two lines.
So I went to the Cornell Library and dug out Coryat's Crudities
and was able to obtain the full text of the poem - offered complete
- here for the first time anywhere (on the net).
What follows is the text
of the poem by George Coryat, published posthumously by his son in 1611,
but dated as late 1560's (circa 1566).
Ad illustrissimum Comitem
Oxoniensem
Clare Comes, generis summum dcoramen aviti,
Insuper Angliaci magna Columna soli.
Da veniam tenui modulanti carmina plectro,
Quod nequit optatis verba referre sonis.
Te tua noblilitas commendat & inclyta virtus,
Fortiaque eximii corporis acta tui.
Nil opis externae quaeris, nec carmin (quamvis
Carmen amet quisquis carmine digna gerit)
Huc tamen adveniens cum Principe nobilis hospes
Carminibus nobis excipiendus eris.
Tum quia Musarum tanto capiaris amore,
Auribus his modulis occinit una tuis.
Tu velut hesterna cepisti carmina nocte,
Hac quoque sic capias carmina nostra die.
Tuo Honori deditissimus,
Georgius Coryatus
{TRANSLATION TO BE PUBLISHED
SOON}
<><><><><>
N cites G. Harvey's reminiscence
of meeting EO17 in Cambridge in the late 1560s as an indication that
Oxford must have returned to the city at some time. No problem there.
46 - Oxford at Parliament again which ran from Sep 30 1566 to Jan 2
1567, one of four minor Earls in attendance. Ah, but the record only
shows the boys listed on opening day. Still, a nice day out for a 16
year old, showing off with the big boys.
46 - a poem by Cecil to
Young Anne aged 10 - rather cute verse. Both William and Robert Cecil
were mad for poetry, plays and literature. The Cecils at this stage
were contributing positively to many aspect of Shakespeare's education.
- Feb 1, 1567 Edward admitted
to Gray's Inn. Once again N adds the spin that this was a "courtesy"
admission and Oxford probably did not attend. But even Nelson equivocates
here: "As with numerous other noblemen, Oxford's may have been
a mere courtesy admission." May have been - that means there are
legitimate reasons to believe the contrary. N states that Oxford bought
no legal books preferring the classics, and can't of learned much law,
because later on he hired lawyers. I'm not going to even touch this
law school "problem". This has been debated fully by Mark
and others. Oxford clearly learned a lot of the law, but desiring no
career in law, saved himself a lot of bother with the rest. But he knew
cases like Hales vs. Petit and a mountain of Capital L Law, especially
Roman and Venetian law.
Oxford's motive was understanding the complicated legalities of his
real estate holdings. Documents of his dealings in some of these tricky
matters contain evidence of both his learning and his abiding interest.
Oxford's letter that deals with the property of Aveley proves that he
understood writs of elegit and other complicated legal instruments and
precedents through which he might lose the property.
47 - N ends the chapter by restating that everything Oxford ever got
was unearned. Yeah, whatever, Dr. N.
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